Every individual was expected know for many past generations all the connections through marriage between his family and others, and at least the most important connections the families connected with his own.
We can easily understand how in consequence these two principles the timeless and spaceless unity the agnatic family and the timeless and spaceless marriage connection between families the whole nobility constituted intrinsically one unified society, even aside from the common political interest, how this unity favored the development the ideal one nation and how the french nobility succeeded in absorbing and Polonizing without any political measures the leading social elements other racial groups federated with Poland Lithuania and Ruthenia extending them the same principles, treating them as members the same social body and actually establishing numerous family connections with them. And hardly strange that this social structure the only politically active class has exercised a powerful influence the political system Poland. The essential point in which this influence manifested itself was the peculiar character which the write my lab report for me relation between the commonwealth and its members assumed in the measure in which the early monarchical state was superseded a republican organization.
The fundamental tendency the nobility was avoid all positive political obligations which the state originally imposed.
Taxes were reduced an almost nominal minimum military service was obligatory only writing a thesis paper for defensive purposes jurisdiction assumed, in fact if not in form, an ever increasing character arbitration. The whole system positive obligations which the nation as a whole was the object was made rest not upon the state but upon society, developed not into a system enforced legal duties but into one Every family was explicitly supposed contribute national life the good customer service essay utmost its powers, without any determination or limitation particular duties. The cooperation was free in the sense in which every moral activity free, could not imposed from the outside but had voluntarily undertaken. But the family as moral subject was expected freely and voluntarily much more than any state system could ever force its members Complete safety from any buying papers encroachments governmental powers and complete freedom from any enforced contributions state activities appear thus not as proofs a lack public spirit but as the result an old and deep-rooted desire able claim as morally meritorious any activities performed for the public cause.
This desire quite naturally connected with the familial structure the nobility. The family being itself a social body, the oldest and primary object all individual obligations, anv sacrifices which its members made for the nation at first perhaps even any proof national solidarity beyond the mere refraining from doing positive harm appeared originally as morally free and therefore meritorious sacrifices which the family as a whole was willing make for the larger social unit which had become a part. Such sacrifices came gradually considered as a moral duty the family, instead remaining outside the sphere that which regarded as morally obligatory and when not an individual but a group the real subject national activities, the public spirit cannot take any other form.
It logically and practically impossible for a group, as long as remains solidary and self-conscious, reach voluntarily a point where would agree have another group even a nation which a part forcibly impose any obligations upon its members instead appealing the moral feeling the group as a solidary unity, for this would mean that this group had lost its solidarity and self consciousness, had resigned control over its members, and in far ceased exist as a But if thus, the one hand, political life in Poland writing service personal statement research paper writers was more than anywhere else formally subordinated social life and the state was nothing without the free cooperation society, the other need help with writing essay hand the whole current social life was more than anywhere else except perhaps in ancient Greece and in republican Rome turned into political channels and the state was the exclusive object social cooperation.
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This again explained the fact that the nobility was essentially a politically active group.
It had differentiated itself from the peasants and the bourgeoisie chiefly, almost exclusively, its participation in political life, and the right and duty this participation remained its only reason existence as a separate class. We might say that everything the nobility did was directly or indi rectly supposed have a political bearing, everything the nobility possessed will someone write my essay for me was supposed have a direct or indirect significance for the state. The principle which now in all countries applied special political offices the principle that a person or group wielding political power virtue an official position not the owner but only the manager this power was extended in Poland not only political functions but also economic ownership and social influence. A nobleman, even when did not perform any specific public function, was not a private person was in a sense nature a public official.
His person, his activity and his life belonged the nation his fortune was national property used for public purposes one which was support himself, his family and his dependents executive resume writing services nyc whatever social influence had was utilized for the benefit the country. At the same time all his obligations were purely moral no political power could constrain him anything would not no authority except social opinion could control the use made his person, his fortune, his influence. The most exact parallel which can illustrate this position the status the King as defined Louis XIV. Every french nobleman within his limited sphere could say, L'£tat, c'est moi the King Poland, whose sphere, though more strictly limited the Constitution, was in fact usually wider than that any his nominal subjects, was only primus inter pares, the sovereign presiding over a confederation sovereigns. This system worked just as absolute monarchy did as long as the moral obligation was felt binding the political sovereign, king or nobleman. The decay public spirit in the second half the seventeenth and first half the eighteenth centuries was followed a movement reform which led the Constitution May, the nobility limited its own sovereignty giving some power coercion special organs the state and admitting the bourgeoisie political life. But then came the second and third partitions Poland before the Constitution could made work.